Political Capital and John Locke: The Power of the Vote
Any single man must judge for himself whether circumstances warrant obedience or resistance to the commands of the civil magistrate; we are all qualified, entitled, and morally obliged to evaluate the conduct of our rulers. This political judgment, moreover, is not simply or primarily a right, but like self-preservation, a duty to God. As such it is a judgment that men cannot part with according to the God of Nature. It is the first and foremost of our inalienable rights without which we can preserve no other.
- John Locke (1632 – 1704)
If we are all “qualified, entitled, and morally obliged to evaluate the conduct of our rulers” then the act of voting is as integral to the definition of a citizen as is our acquiescence in joining civil society and becoming a part of the creation and continuation of it. But to cast a ballot is not de facto defense of the particular system, but to understand that an electorate that votes has the power of change. Democracies can vote to end their democracy, and the freedom to vote for political suicide is certainly a proof of the perils of freedom. The undulations of political discontent, roiling under a patchwork chainmail of factions and their loyal agitators, meet in battle frenzied by consequence. People today cannot fathom how related is the ballot cast from the revolutionary hanged. The peaceful transfer and management of power through the ballot box has both pacified the riotous and forestalled the impending revolution so assumed by Thomas Jefferson. As we approach the next scheduled uprising, it’s prudent to ponder our responsibilities inherent in this civic franchise.
Before we talk about whether to vote, we ought to understand what a vote is. It is political capital, bequeathed to you by America’s founders and those who have since voted to continue the franchise. By virtue of citizenship, you become “qualified, entitled and morally obliged to evaluate the conduct of our rulers.” By spending your capital on a candidate, you’re buying stock in the party he represents. Our choice of who gets our capital is based on our belief in the product they’re selling, and what profit we may make by investing in the party. We’re not talking profit as in remittances, but profit as in increased intervention or decreased intervention in issues that we hold dear. That’s why the smart buyer studies the stock before they buy it, taking into account not only ideology, diligence and success, but also all facets of influence that work to impress upon the candidate and the party he or she represents.
In studying the stock, it makes sense to differentiate between a leader and his/her party, and furthermore, whether individual issues trump ideological purity. If the candidate espouses views in lock step with the platform of the party, then the study moves to practice – does the candidate practice in legislation the enlivenment of the platform. Since leadership is a learned skill, and the skill makes full use of manipulation in all its guises, juxtaposing the candidate between word and deed may be the only clear look one gets at the level of ideological loyalty. If the candidate pronounces views that challenge major tenets of party doctrine, then you’re left voting for change in the party and the platform in lieu of support of issues that override all other considerations. In times of great import, elections can pivot on single issues, but such choices often come at great cost in the long term.
So it follows that it’s also important to know why we’re buying the stock. If it’s ideological, then one better know well the political philosophy they hold, and know as well the opposing ideologies that vie for the capital being spent. There is no hope of discovering a fraud if one cannot recognize what is real. If it is a single issue that motivates you, then understand the influence that issue has on all other issues. Before long it will be seen that all issues are related in one way or another. If it’s loyalty to party that moves you, then it’s obvious you must understand the party ideals and the base that gives it life. No party will find one hundred percent agreement among its members, but it’s strength is the compromise within that allows it to resist compromise without. If your inspiration is a single leader, then charisma fuels your loyalty. When a nation finds itself in the eyes of a leader, then they must trust his vision. Lastly, if you’re forced to support a candidate for fear of the opposition, then either you’re unwilling to compromise with the party of the candidate you’ve chosen, or no party satisfies your ideological demands and your vote serves as a mercenary obligation driven by fear. It also signifies an alienation from the political culture that arranges the nation’s leaders, and if widespread, sets the seeds of deepening discontent.
I’ve not spent much time on independents, or so they call themselves. It seems the designation is assumed by those who believe that to join a political party is to restrict one’s critical thinking skills. It’s a false charge made by those who do not know well the people they disparage. Within all political parties there are varying degrees of agreement on political issues – it is the general philosophy that serves as the backbone of the community. The purpose of party politics is to, with force in numbers, affect policy and influence leadership. In a democratic system (ours being a republic), the power resides in those with the greatest strength in numbers. Independent voters may sway power from one party to another, but they have a diminishing influence on what the party now in power will do. It is this detachment from responsibility for their vote that many find the “independent” frivolous.
It’s prudent now to quickly consider in detail the creature that is the candidate. The political chameleon will change positions and exchange virtues as election day approaches, whereas the day before the candidate becomes a virtual reflection of the voter he or she is working to entice. No one expects an honest or detailed answer to any question offered in the last three weeks of a campaign, so it stands to reason that anyone who makes up their mind where to spend their political capital by studying the last three weeks before election day spends foolishly. Today’s politician feeds on polling data and emits practiced platitudes designed to paralyze opponents, numb the undecided and titillate the supporter. The citizen who takes his duty responsibly guards his capital and assumes a healthy skepticism for every politician.
The voter, anointed blameless by Rousseau and myopic by de Tocqueville, holds within them the inheritance of not only those who debated the wisdom of the common man, but those as well who lived lives in obscurity, worn down by chains fashioned by their own hands. We no longer fear kings or rapacious parliaments. The issues that divide us are far from those that once tore nations apart. But such calamities did not happen overnight. We are entrusted with a franchise that our ancestors thought precious enough to fight for, and so every election and every issue looms large when its roots sink deep and reach wide. Why do we vote? We vote to advantage ourselves, whether it is to lower our taxes or enjoy free healthcare. We vote to join a movement that, with brute force, takes power from one faction to deliver it to another. We vote to raise our voices, a right not won by a single person, but demanded, under threat of violence, by many who were willing to die. They would wait no longer for that inalienable right due a free person. Today, we should wait no longer for a better reason to raise our voices and deliver our judgment on our rulers.
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2 Responses to “Political Capital and John Locke: The Power of the Vote”
October 12th, 2008 at 4:16 pm
I recently came accross your blog and have been reading along. I thought I would leave my first comment. I dont know what to say except that I have enjoyed reading. Nice blog.
Tim Ramsey
October 14th, 2008 at 7:05 pm
Thanks Tim – I appreciate your interest and would like to hear your opinion!
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